PAI MARIRE

THE NIU AT KURANUI

Pages

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• 37, 38

• 46

• 50–53

•   55–58

• Illustrations

•   Figures: Te Pou A Matai

•   Pai Mairire karakia around the niu

Pai Marire at Tauranga

In November 1864 the Civil Commissioner at Tauranga, H.T. Clarke, reported (AJHR E8, 1864, p.5) that all was quiet in the district.

One circumstance has caused me some perplexity; with all this quiet there is a sullen gloom hanging over many of the Natives who have made their submission. Whether this arises from disappointment, or the loss of friends, or from what other cause unknown, certain it is that something is weighing upon their minds.

In the same letter, Clarke reported the rumours quoted earlier of an expected “ day of deliverance ”.

Tauranga people were suffering from the stresses and disruption of wars on their land. They had fought with Waikato at Meremere and Ranqiriri in 1863. Many were known supporters of the Kingitanga, and the King ’ s flag had been raised on several marae around Tauranga. In January 1864 British troops were landed at Tauranga “ to create a diversion ” to prevent any more Tauranga people joining Waikato or sending their supplies and to block the way for any supporting war parties from the East Coast (AJHR E2, 1864). In April 1864 the battle at Gate Pa was fought and followed up by Te Ranga in June. During July many Ngaiterangi surrendered their arms, but there were still many, particularly the Ngati Ranginui people of the inland villages, who refused to surrender, or acknowledge the right of chiefs who had to negotiate for them (Stokes, 1978). Te Arawa had not generally supported the King Movement and were regarded as kupapa, “ loyalists ”. This followed the pattern of tribal loyalties and alliances established during the time of Te Waharoa. The newspaper The New Zealander (17 August 1864) reported on events at Tauranga:

Had the troops not set foot on their lands… there would have been no rising amongst them… it was in defence of their lands which were thus unceremoniously, and in their opinion unnecessarily, invaded, that they took up arms against the troops, and so made, as it were, common cause with the Waikato.

Governor Grey had visited Tauranga in early August to accept Ngaiterangi submission to the authority of Queen Victoria. The Tauranga people had been told their land would be confiscated. Grey said only one-quarter would be confiscated (AJHR A20, 1867). Soon afterwards it was announced that Government would purchase the Katikati-Te Puna Blocks, an area of 32,375 hectares, and a deposit of £ 1,000 was paid on 26 August 1864. It was also announced that the 20,235 hectares to be confiscated would include the area between the Waimapu and Wairoa Rivers (Stokes, 1978). No firm agreements had been reached, the land had not been surveyed nor exact boundaries determined. It is not surprising that in November 1864, with all this uncertainty over lands, the demoralisation of defeat and the stresses of culture conflict, “ a sullen gloom ” hung over the district of Tauranga Moana (Figure 3).

In December 1864, the Europeans in the military camp of Te Papa (on the site of the present central business area of the city of Tauranga), were thrown into panic by the news that the teachings of the prophet Te Ua had reached the region. On 28 December, Mr Rice, Official Interpreter at Tauranga, reported to the Native Minister (quoted by Gifford and Williams, 1940, pp. 277-281) on “ the great movement that has shaken the whole of Tauranga. ” In mid-December, emissaries had arrived in Tauranga and there

was word of a meeting to be held inland on 25 December when the new teachings would be fully explained by the Tiu, Te Hau Anahera. “ It was about the 19th that the people, who up to that time showed no signs of uneasiness, began to confess publicly the new doctrine. ” On 23 December, the Tauranga chief, Hori Tupaea, had sent letters to various hapu, entreating them to go to the meeting. Tupaea ’ s message was that

unless all people took the oath before the 26th and separated themselves from the Europeans, they would meet one death. But going inland, waiting and watching the turn of events, no harm could attend them, but more, they would see before the close of January the fulfilment of the angel ’ s prophecy, that all Europeans will be out of this island.

Rice visited the settlements in the Wairoa area on Christmas Eve and found nothing untoward. He was assured by many people that they were not interested in the movement but commented, “ I could not, however, fail to notice the marked change in some of them. ” He returned to Te Papa on Christmas morning.

While passing through the Otumoetai settlement of Rome and the pa, I took particular notice of the aspect of matters generally. The people were all pursuing their usual evening practices. Not one instance could I remember of anything that could have led to the deduction of the subsequent movement. I noticed, however, in our camp natives on Christmas morning, a marked change for the worse, and Raniera, the guide, remained crouched up sulkily in his blanket all day talking ‘ Paimarire ’ . Not one move escaped him, and towards evening I questioned two of the police, who had returned from the Wairoa, whether any fresh accounts had been received. They replied no, but I doubted them and hastened to obtain the Colonel ’ s permission to detain them and prevent their crossing to Matapihi. Too late, however, for they used extra haste and get over.

Immediately after these two men left our camp, the natives began packing up their bundles and started to carry same to the beach to canoes. I reported this circumstance to the Officer Commanding, and they were detained. I crossed over to Matapihi. Not twenty minutes could have elapsed since the arrival of the two policemen, and yet, when I went into the pa the scene was beyond description. Men, women and children were bundling their chattels in every direction, and now and then an energetic organ of speech would shout urging the people to ‘ Hasten on, the allotted time is short for your salvation; tomorrow, the 26th, it will be too late for the Anahera, and we shall be murdered by the pakeha; kia tere kia tere ’ (be quick, be quick).

I succeeded in getting some of the people together - and on my entreating them to consider carefully before they took such a step, they replied ‘ It is God ’ s work, not ours ’ , giving at the same time a singular jerk with the neck and waving the hand… The people of Matapihi took scarcely any clothing save their blankets and what they wore.

The appearance of the pa on Monday morning was peculiar.

They had left cooking utensils, food, saddles, clothes etc. all over the place, and the pa had the appearance of having been suddenly cleared of everything living by a whirlwind. On Monday the 26th, I learnt that there was scarcely a native left in the settlement, but before noon some stragglers came in… One striking proof of the suddenness with which their minds were made up is that where rivers were to be crossed no horses were taken, but from the settlements on the high roads inland all went on horseback… I refrain from offering any opinion on the matter, or its probable result. Wiser and older heads than mine, I fear, will find it difficult to do so. The terror, the utter carelessness of consequences, the determined aspect of fanaticism about the whole affair is astonishing.

On 31 December 1864 Rice again reported:

Eight of the Matapihi natives returned on the 29th in a whaleboat to look after their crops and horses. I brought six before the Colonel. Nothing of importance was elicited, only that Te Tiu had not arrived. They persisted in stating it would injure ‘ Paimarire ’ to take up worldly arms; it is to the spiritual that we are to be indebted for our destruction… This returned party assures us that the people are all coming back in a week or two. However this may be, as also the declaration that the movement is not an hostile one remains to be seen. The fact of their having joined such a force plainly shows a real desire to recover their land by any means. I do really think that the chief part of the people are deluded as to the real intention of the movement, but the leaders are not, is certain. Neither do I agree with Colonel Greer that the absence of the principal chiefs of Ngaiterangi has assisted in bringing this movement about.

On 26 December, Colonel Greer (quoted by Gifford and Williams, 1940, p.281) commented on how “ very secretly ” the movement had been made to go into the bush. Greer continued his report:

Paimarire, an angel or god believed to have miraculous powers. In fact they appear to be mad on the subject. They believe that all natives who have not by this day given in their adhesion to him will be destroyed. That is they will fall down and die before the end of the month, and that the Europeans will be destroyed before the end of January, and that Waikato and Tauranga will be the first to be swept clean. They add that a great many of the pakehas will go away in ships, and those who wish to do so will be permitted, but that those who remain will be destroyed. They stated that the Ngaiterangi people are to go up to Rangitoto, one or two days ’ journey from Maungatautari, where there is to be a great gathering of many tribes to meet Te Tiu, or the Jew, as they call the prophet of the real Christ whom they believe their angel and god to be. The natives wish the white man no ill and would not destroy them, but their god would destroy the pakehas and them also if they did not immediately go out and they were afraid.

The Tauranga correspondent of the newspaper The New Zealander wrote an account on 30 December which was published on 5 January 1865 and indicates the panic felt by Europeans in the military camp at Te Papa.

As I intend writing you more at length by the next mail, I shall on this occasion content myself by simply stating that we are on the eve of trouble, and that, allow me to assure you, of such a universal and combined nature, that the very thoughts of the future fill our breasts with sorrow and regret at what is awaiting us in the womb of Providence.

It is now beyond doubt that a powerful concentrated force has been for some time going about and secretly destroying those sacred attachments and devotions to Christianity, and what is still more, those ties of regard and goodwill which always existed between the Natives and the European settlers of this district.

The King movement was only a shadow compared to what has taken place with the Pai Mariri devotees, a newly introduced system of superstition, extending its influences through Taupo and the whole district of the Bay of Plenty (not including the Arawas) and lately introduced from Taranaki.

In my last communication I hinted to you that a portion of the Ngaiterangis had embraced this horrible and detestable faith.

My having facilities of obtaining information which few have, caused me to unfold to your readers the objects which those infatuated people are proposing to accomplish: for in fact they are now become perfectly mad from the effects of the Pai Mariri fanaticism, and the assurances of victory they are expecting from Te Hoi and his disciples. The religion which they had hitherto, both Roman Catholics and Protestants, is now totally set aside, and nothing can be performed without first using the Pai Marire as a pass-word which, they are led to believe, protects them from all evil.

This is a lamentable fact, which every true friend of the Maori race must look upon with sorrow and regret, for no one can doubt but that it will, if not averted, produce their utter destruction.

Christmas Day is a day that will long be remembered in Tauranga. Instead of being a day of rejoicing it proved a day of sorrow and grief, the results of which time alone will be able to unfold, for it was on this memorable and sacred day that we became for the first time acquainted with the extent to which this vile serpent has spread his ravages in this neighbourhood. Early on Christmas morn three Natives came across from the Matapihi settlement with their horses.

On their arrival on the beach, I enquired from them as to where they were going; to which I received an evasive answer. In fact I saw considerable hesitancy in their minds, which led me to believe that a movement amongst them was contemplated; for on Christmas eve Mr Burns, who is in charge of one of Mr Heale ’ s surveying parties at the Puna, had arrived in Camp with intelligence of his Natives having left him and having joined the Pai Marire fanatics, and having actually gone to the mountains. This fact, combined with the absence of Mr Rice from the Camp, who is always ready and on the alert night and day, keeping a close observation on all that is passing within his district, led me to surmise that these Natives, two of whom were receiving pay from Government, were seeking or conveying messages to

their friends in the neighbourhood of the Wairoa and Otamaitai. Towards evening these Natives returned, and on arriving in Camp were accosted by Mr Rice, but all his attempts to obtain information was no use. This circumstance led me to follow these choice youths to that portion of the camp, where the natives encamped, and there try my best to elicit some tidings of what they had seen or heard; but in this I was for a considerable time frustrated, and it was only a strategem that caused them to divulge the startling fact that the whole body of Tauranga were believers and adherents of the new faith, and that they were all going to leave that very night on their pilgrimage to the Pai Mariris. One of them actually became so serious and urgent as to request me to make flight with them, in order that I might be secured from destruction. After receiving this painful information, I communicated with Mr Rice, who instantly informed Colonel Greer; but whilst Mr Rice was doing so, the whole natives in camp, with one solitary exception, were diligently packing their beds and clothing, and had got them down to the beach, when Mr Rice returned from the Colonel ’ s, and caused the natives not to remove anything from the camp without permission. The natives, who had their steed to ferry across, galloped up a distance from the camp, where a canoe was awaiting them, and got safely away. Rainiera Te Hiahia, a native who has been all along in the service of Government as an informer and guide, was the most obstinate and determined character amongst them, for which he was censured by the commanding officer, who caused all canoes or natives not to pass or repass; he also took every military precaution which the exigences of case required.

Mr Rice, late in the evening, went over to the Matapihi settlement, and I believe he witnessed a sight that language can never express or pen describe. All was confusion and disorder; it was indeed a true moon-light flight.

The Matapihi settlement was the only one which professed loyalty etc. to the Government during our last troubles, but I am sorry to say that these very men are now become the most inveterate worshippers of the Pai Mariri system.

The following day, the 26th, unfolded to us the sorrowful and painful truth that Tauranga, containing upwards of 1000 souls, had all left their homes and their plantations for the mountain fastnesses, and we now found ourselves left in possession of Tauranga with the exception of about fifty scattered Natives, including women and children, who have been left behind.

All communication is partially closed so that it is utterly impossible to come to any definite conclusion as to what is about to take place. However, there is one thing quite evident, that is if the “ Tohunga ” declares war, which there is not the slightest doubt but he will do, the whole tribe will rise en masse and endeavour to drive us into the sea.

A boat with eight of these infatuated beings was seen landing the other day at the Matapihi; which caused Mr Rice to follow them up and see what they were after. On his arrival at the settlement he found only three of the party there. The others were out collecting their horses ready to take away, had not Mr Rice disturbed their repose and frustrated their designs.

When asked any questions, they had to pass the usual salutations of holding up the hand and saying Pai Mariri. Nothing at all satisfactory could be obtained from them. Mr Rice, however, brought them to the camp, where I believe, they are at present staying.

All this has produced the greatest excitement in camp, and extra duties have been imposed upon our men.

The regatta which ought to have taken place on the 26th, was, in consequence of the flight and other circumstances, postponed until the 2nd of January.

On 4 January 1865 The Daily Southern Cross pontificated on the “ critical state of native affairs ” and in particular the events at Tauranga.

This occurrence bears a very grave aspect, and speaks volumes as it regards what we may expect in the future. What more telling proof would we have of the false sympathy which has been thrown away upon these men, who, upon the first opportunity that occurred, have virtually renounced the allegiance which they have so lately acknowledged?

The Civil Commissioner for Tauranga, Henry Tacey Clarke, arrived on 7 January and the next day he left to visit settlements in the ranges inland of Waimapu while Rice visited those inland of Te Wairoa. Clarke reported on 10 January (AJHR E4 1865, p. 11)

We left as early as possible on Sunday morning the 8th.

We came upon a large party of Natives in the evening and found men, women, and children, standing round a Flagstaff, upon which was flying a small white Flag, engaged in some of their senseless worship, I suppose for our particular benefit. The worshippers and the symbol of the Angel Rura received very unceremonious treatment from the chiefs who accompanied me. I have not time to give you full particulars of all that passed at this meeting, suffice it to say, that our expedition was most successful, all the natives without exception gladly consented to return at once to their homes. I accompanied a large party of them down yesterday morning to their canoes. They are now at Ohuki.

After seeing this party off, I returned again to the Ranges to meet another party with the same good result. They appear to me to be too glad to be allowed to return.

Mr Rice has not yet returned, but I heard yesterday from a Native Messenger who came across the country that he had also been successful.

The cause for this sudden move on the part of these Natives was from no design on their part to provoke hostilities with us. But they suffered themselves to be persuaded by the Pai Marire advocates from Waikato who have been very busy amongst them backed by the repeated warnings and influence of Hori Tupaea with the belief that the Pakehas would certainly be destroyed and that they would meet the same fate if they continued to associate with us. There is a deep design in the whole movement.

From information I have received from these returned Natives, I have not the least doubt in my own mind that the Waikatos are determined to use any means to drag all the New Zealand Tribes into one general war. Kingism has failed, and they are now trying to work upon the superstitious minds of their countrymen, not a very difficult task at any time.

I hope shortly to be able to report that all these foolish misguided people have returned to their different settlements.

The Tauranga correspondent for The New Zealander (15 January 1865) provided a much more graphic account of how the Tauranga people were persuaded to return home.

Since my last communication matters here have taken a different aspect, and I am happy to say for the better.

The infatuated Maoris who went to visit Pai Mirire have to some extent returned to their settlements, and as an explanation of their sudden flight give some very feasible reasons, amongst them that they are disgusted with the step they took; they now relent, and appear to be repentant, and it is to be hoped for their own sakes, that their repentance is sincere. They explain that their only reason for going away was to see and hear what the new prophet Pai Mirire had to say to them, and also as they thought to be protected from the imminent danger which they were led to believe was to drive all Europeans, and also those Natives who remained behind into the sea; but being now disgusted with his doctrines, and made sensible of the imposition which had been wrought upon them, they have now returned, much humbled, with the intention of peacefully remaining under our protection.

So soon as Mr Commissioner Clarke arrived here, he took the initiative to endeavour to bring the Natives to a proper sense of their position, and with this view he and Mr Rice, who represented at that time the Native department at Tauranga, at once proceeded to the principal strongholds of the Pai Mirires, who are all residing on the mountain ranges, and through the indefatigable exertions of these gentlemen managed ultimately to thwart the false and ridiculous ideas that had been implanted by the impostor Pai Mirire. Mr H. Clarke took the ranges to the south, accompanied by several of the leading chiefs, who had only recently returned from Auckland. Mr H.E. Rice took the more western ranges, and was likewise accompanied by two powerful and influential chiefs, who had also but just returned from Auckland. All these chiefs were equally anxious and doubly interested in this mission than the gentlemen whom they accompanied, inasmuch as their wives and families had all been led under the influence of Pai Mirire to flee from the danger which would befall them if they remained in their settlements unprotected.

Amongst the party who accompanied Mr Clarke were two noted characters well and favorably known as determined, persevering, and bold in everything which they undertook, and who were not to be daunted by the influence of such an impostor as Pai Marire, whose names are Enoka, a nephew of the late most regretted Raniri Tunia, who was killed at Te Ranga. The other was Hohepa Kukutaia, the most eloquent and graceful chief in Tauranga, and no doubt those two chiefs, independent of Mr Clarke ’ s assistance, assisted to some extent in bringing about the present favorable change in the minds of the Natives whom they visited. As soon as Mr Clarke and his party neared

the encampment they saw approaching them an officer-bearer of the high priest of the Pai Marire, and who was so much under the infatuated belief of the power of his god, that he, regardless of all danger, thought that by approaching the party it would be the means of preventing their progress towards the tribe; but in this he was of course disappointed. The party no sooner saw the antics which this crazy man was practising Hohepa jumped from his horse to obtain a weapon in the shape of an Irish shillelagh, in order, as he told me, that if he should find this impostor to be of the Waikato or Taranaki tribe, that he would, if he could, leave him low on the road; it happening to be a Ngaitirangi native, the poor fellow escaped uninjured. Whilst all this was going on in Hohepa ’ s mind, the bold and intrepid Enoka spurred his steed on at full speed, and had not this poor infatuated priest stepped aside, there is no doubt but he would have been ridden down. Hohepa was not to be left behind, and was soon up with Enoka, when they espied the encampment of those fanatics, who no doubt were wondering within themselves how it was possible that any person not connected with them could be permitted by their god to approach so near to their camp.

Enoka, bold and intrepid, rode on again at full speed until he reached the encampment; the people were all standing bowing and worshipping the flag which was waving on the top of a high staff, the staff itself was held sacred, and, consequently, was equally venerated and respected by them; the people were astounded at the daring of Enoka, still they continued to murmur something that was quite unintelligible both to the Maoris and Mr Clarke, whilst Enoka was in the act of fastening his horse to the sacred flagstaff, Hohepa rode up, regardless of consequences, leaving his horse to the mercy of the Pai Mirires, mounted the flagstaff, and in less than no time had their sacred flag flourishing in his hand, much to the astonishment and indignation of the Pai Mirire devotees.

Whilst this was going on, Enoka ’ s attention was directed to one of their priests, who was leading, or rather pretending to conduct an evening religious service; he held in his hand a sheet of paper, which Enoka seized out of his hand, a copy of which I enclose.

Karakia mo te ahiahi

Kia Whakaka rotia koe e

I hoa i rung rawa - tau te

Korone - tau te kone - tau terire rire.

Ko tite Pata mai rire Ko \_\_\_\_\_\_\_

Ko \_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_ to; rire rire

Ko tite kori koti tangi korei maime rire

Ko \_\_\_\_\_\_\_

Ko \_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_ to; rire rire

Kororia me te pata; ko te rau

Mikaere mai Pata, ko te

Kororia, nui oropata

He ma ko te kororia, kororia, to rire rire

Kia tohu koe e I hoa i tau

Ini e whakatuha whotia

a koe i te ao tau te korone rire rire.

For the perusal of those of your readers who are more familiar with Maori gibberish than I am; still had it been purely Maori, I think I could have mastered it, as it is perhaps some of your intelligent Maori linguists, who are readers of your paper, will be kind enough to furnish you with a translation of this important document.

Whilst all this was going on, the Pai Mirires were dealing out their gibberish by wholesale, but no one but themselves could understand what they said. At last their tongues became untied, and a sharp altercation took place betwixt them and Enoka and Hohepa, who, in plain language, exposed to their view the disgrace that they had been laboring under for the false step they had taken in leaving their peaceful settlements and abusing the kindness already shown them by Government, in supplying them with provisions at the time when they were literally starving. After awhile they became a little subdued, and Mr Clarke, taking advantage of it, addressed them in a most feeling and eloquent manner, which brought them once more to their senses, and literally before he had finished speaking the majority of them had made up their minds to return to their homes.

I am happy to say that the whole of this encampment, which were the most part Natives from the Mata Pihi settlement, came back the following morning.

Mr H.E. Rice and party were likewise successful in inducing the Otumotai Natives to return, but they could not make any impression on the Nga te Pirirakau, who are a turbulent, obstinate people. Mr Rice has been twice amongst them, but I regret to say with no favourable results. It is supposed that about one-half have returned to their settlements, about 200 are at Rangitoto, and the remainder are encamped on the mountains.

We have authenticated information as to the Nga te Porous having left the Eastward, and being now on their way to the Arawas, with the full determination of obtaining satisfaction for the Matata massacre.

Colonel Greer also reported on the return of the people from the ranges (AJHR A5, 1865, pp. 31-32):

Most of the Ngaiterangi people have returned to their settlements. They have only partially given up Pai Marire; those who remain out state they will not interfere with those who have come in, but that they will draw a line from the Wairoa, across by Te Ranga and from those toward Maketu, and that neither Queen ’ s natives nor Pakeha must cross it: of course that would be to undo all that has been done and take back the land.

I have sent Mr Rice up to Hori Tupaea ’ s settlement in the ranges (where I hear there is a prophet, and a good number of Pai Marire Maoris collected) to see what they are up to.

The reports about East Cape natives coming to attack Maketu are, as usual, conflicting. I don ’ t think they will do anything of the sort, but the fact is, the eyes of all Maoridom are on Taranaki - there is the headquarters of their “ Atua ” or God: and if he cannot drive the Pakeha into the sea there, I think they will give up as a bad bargain, all over this side of the Island.

Rice commented further on Pai Marire and the relations with Government (AJHR E4 1865, p. 15).

Since my last communication I have been constantly upon the road in this district, visiting the camp grounds in the ranges of the Pai Marire proselytes.

With few exceptions the whole of the Natives on the western side of this district have already returned to the coast, in some instances willingly, in others with apparent reluctance; they have in some cases brought with them the determination to continue the worship to their “ Niu ” or “ Atua ” , and in one, that of the Piri Rakau tribe, positively declined giving it up, asserting that if compelled to do so, their intention is to return to their mountain camps again. It is now stated that another and a superior disciple of the Atua “ Hau ” will shortly visit them and convince even the incredulous of the truth of this new god and offer further powers to present believers.

Much has been said about the crops now ripe, as to the desirability of allowing those who persist in this worship to avail themselves of them, lest after digging and part consumption, they should return fortified to back up any belligerent movement now in contemplation. The officer commanding this district has however in every instance instructed me to inform these people that so long as they remain peacefully at home, no notice will be taken of them, but in any case, should they attempt anything like preparation for a lengthened stay in the event of their return to the Bush, such preparations will be taken as evidence of an intention antagonistic to the Government. The Natives themselves have stated to me “ Our intentions were not hostile in going out, and we anticipate in future to plant largely inland, as we find the land yields two-fold: we shall, therefore, be sometimes inland and at others on the Coast. ” Whether this is or is not the real reason, or the result of fear, doubts, or some plan not yet matured, at present remains in the dark.

A short time since a report was circulated that Tupaea, Tamihana

(Ti Tiu) and 200 followers intended crossing from “ Kai Mai ” (Tupaea ’ s place) to Te Ranga and on to Maketu, marking as they went the future boundary line for the Pai Marire people, and that portion they consider is the property of the Queenites, black and white. I immediately went up to Kai Mai and found that Tupaea had left for Maketu, but with only 10 or 12 followers; he, it is said has gone on eastward, leaving Tamihana (Te Tiu) at Te Puke near Kenana where he has been joined by some 40 or 50 people from Rotorua and other places; they are all closely watched by the Arawa.

No circumstances have tended so considerably to weaken the Pai Marire doctrine in this district as the constant surveillance that has been kept up over the inland parties, they have never known when to expect or not expect a visit from the Government officials and the contradiction given to the assertion of “ Te Tiu ” “ That no Pakeha could approach their ‘ Niu ’ or god under penalty of death, ” has been entirely overthrown. Their prayers by the road side, their prayers in the camp daily, for some accident to befall our horses or ourselves, and so prevent our access to them have all been found useless, and they are now fain to build their hopes on the god ’ s promise of their shortly acquiring a knowledge of arts, sciences, and manufactures; for the latter (to them the principal) they anxiously look forward so that they may be able to make shoes, blankets, trousers, etc. like Europeans, and above all speak English, if, however, their accomplishment of the latter is not more perfect than at present. Interpreters, I fear, will not be found able to elucidate the meaning of the ridiculous gibberish now current.

That their return to the coast can be taken as a stable proof of their intention to remain is doubtful, but such a general clearance as the last will not I think again take place.

The millennial qualities of Pai Marire were emphasised more in Tauranga than in any other area visited by the emissaries of Te Ua. Clark (1975, p.30) commented that the unsettled atmosphere of late 1864 following defeat and surrender of some, and refusal to surrender of others, ambiguity over the terms of confiscation of land, doubts about whose land would be involved and where, all contributed to this millennial emphasis.

These circumstances may have encouraged a high degree of uncertainty and a proclivity towards rapid, climactic solutions in the problems of war at Tauranga. This view depends on two presumptions: first that millennarianism is an extreme inclination which requires an extreme frame of mind, and second, that Tauranga was worse affected by the war than elsewhere. A dramatic mass renunciation of war might have seemed attractive to the politically divided people.

European settlers and military were in no frame of mind to analyse Maori motives nor comprehend the true nature of Pai Marire. The expedition of Hori Tupaea and Tiu Tamihana into Arawa territory was treated with great suspicion. Greer reported on 7 February 1865 (AJHR A5, 1865, p. 7) that their intentions were “ doubtless to stir up hostility to the Queen in the East ” and was greatly relieved when the party was apprehended by Te Arawa near Rotoiti. Heni Te Kiri-karamu described the capture of Hori Tupaea to James Cowan in 1919 (Cowan, 1923, vol. 2, pp. 76-77). She had been living with her relatives near Otaramarae, on Lake Rotoiti, and had been warned to look out for Tupaea ’ s party. One morning an empty canoe was seen floating near the middle of the lake, and the local people went to investigate. Evidence of recent disturbance of a cliff face was noticed.

We landed and climbed the cliff, and soon we came upon the foot tracks of a party of people leading into the forest. We followed them up rapidly into the bush south of Ruato, and we soon came upon a number of Maoris with Hori Tupaea among them. An elderly man named Tiu Tamehana ( “ Jew Thompson ” ) was with them; he was their kai-karakia (religious leader) or poropiti (prophet)). Our chief Matenga called on the party to stop, threatening to fire on them unless they stood fast. Hori and his companions thereupon came to a halt, but made no move to surrender. Instead they gathered round their prophet and chanted their Pai-marire incantations and called upon their gods to strike us blind.

Heni Te Kiri-karamu, who had been in the fighting at Gate Pa, was emphatic that “ Hori and his people were all unarmed; there was not even a stone patu among them ” although it was discovered later that one old man had secretly carried a short-handled tomahawk under his shirt. “ The prophet had ordered that no weapons should be carried on the secret expedition, and when he learned of Timoti ’ s tomahawk he declared that this breach of his instructions was the aitua which had brought misfortune on the party. ” This account also contradicts the interpretation by military and civil authorities at Tauranga that this expedition was a war party.

On 2 March 1865, the worst fears of the Europeans at Tauranga seemed to be confirmed by the murder of the missionary Volkner at Opotiki soon after the arrival of emissaries of Te Ua. The local issues leading to this murder were complex and partly connected with Maori knowledge of Volkner ’ s activities as a government spy during the wars. It can be partly understood as an expression of traditional utu. While Pai Marire people were involved, the murder can also be interpreted, in general, as a strong reaction against missionaries, and in particular, as an expression of the strong Whakatohea feeling that Volkner had deserted them for the Pakeha Governor (Clark 1975, pp. 31-41).

Meanwhile, Governor Grey offered a pardon to Tupaea, the conditions of which included his taking of the oath of allegiance, that he would “ truly and faithfully assist the Governor in putting an end to the present disturbance ” , he would reside where directed by the Governor until he received “ permission to return to his own country ” and he would “ faithfully observe the terms given by the Governor to the Tauranga Natives ” (AJHR A5, 1865, p. 12). Tupaea had told Greer after his arrest that he no longer held intentions opposed to Government, his “ fault had been expiated ” by being Brought prisoner to Te Papa, and he would “ not go inland again ” (AJHR A5, 1865, p. 11). Clarke and Greer had hoped that the arrest and submission of Tupaea would effectively dampen Pai Marire enthusiasm. In late March 1865 the newspaper The New Zealander (quoted by Clark 1975, p. 31) reported that three-quarters of the Tauranga people were adherents of Pai Marire.

Reports of activities on the East Coast and other intelligence strengthened the conviction of European authorities, civil and military, that there was an extensive Pai Marire-Kingite conspiracy in operation. Clarke reported on “ the state of the Natives ” on 18 April (AJHR E4, 1865, pp. 26-27), and commented that it was “ evident that a hostile movement is in contemplation by the Waikato and their confederates against the Arawa, which, if carried out, will inevitably involve many of Ngaiterangi Hapus ”. Te Arawa were traditional, enemies of Waikato and Tauranga people. Some of this feeling against Te Arawa is expressed in the song of derision composed by Tomika Te Mutu and other Ngaiterangi chiefs that Te Arawa had captured Hori Tupaea (Cowan 1923, vol. 2, p. 79).

Ko wai te iwi e kōrerotia kinotia nei?

Ko te Arawa māngai nui.

He aha tōno kino?

He tohe nōna ki te whakatutū ki te taha Māori

He aha te take e kaha ai ki te whakatutū i te taha Māori?

He pati moni, he pati kai

He aha tōna hē e kitea nei e ngā iwi?

Ko t ō na pakanga ki te patu i ngā iwi i Te Awa-o-te-Atua

Tēnā tētahi?

Ko te kōhurutanga i a Te Āporotanga

Tēnā tētahi?

Ko tōna whakaī ki te hopu huhua kore i te ariki o Tauranga, i a Hori Tūpaea.

Meatia e mutu ai ēnei hē?

Me whakahoki pai mārire a Te Arawa ki tōna tupunga mai ki Hawaiki

Who are the people that speak words of evil?

The big-mouthed Arawa

Wherein does their evil lie?

They urge insistently violence and mischief among

the Maori people.

For what reason do they persist in this mischief?

They are bribed with money, they are bribed with food.

What was their sin in the eyes of the tribes?

They made war upon and slew the people of the

Awa-o-te-Atua.

What was another of their evil deeds?

The murder of Te Aporotanga.

And another?

They surrounded and unjustly seized the high chief of Tauranga, Hori Tupaea.

What can be done to end these evils?

The Arawa should be returned peacefully to the fatherland whence they came, to Hawaiki.

(Te Aporotanga was the Whakatohea chief captured in the Kaokaoroa battle near Matata in 1864 and shot by Tohi Te Ururangi’s widow in revenge for the death of her husband.)

While Civil Commissioner Clarke was aware of tribal animosities, his main concern was to protect “ loyal ” Arawa and establish firm Government control in the Tauranga district. He continued his report of 13 April 1865 (AJHR E4, 1865, pp.26-27):

From information derived from many different sources, it is evident that a hostile movement is in contemplation by the Waikato and their confederates, against the Arawa; which if carried out, will inevitably involve many of Ngaiterangi Hapus.

The success of Kereopa and Patara on the East Coast, on the one hand; and the apparent inaction of the Government on the other, is producing a most baneful effect upon the Natives in this neighbourhood. The Pai Marire party are exulting, and say to our friends, “ There it has happened just as we have told you. The Hau Hau God has paralysed the efforts of the Pakeha: they cannot avenge the death of Mr Volkner, they are fleeing before him. ”

Although many have ostensibly given up the Pai Marire worship, it has only been from fear of the consequences to themselves, on account of the close proximity of the troops. I will venture to predict that should the troops be removed from Tauranga, while the present feeling exists it would be untenable, twenty four hours after the ships left the harbor, for any Europeans…

Many of the Natives of this District especially those closely connected with the Patetere and William Thompson ’ s people have again left for their inland Kaingas, so that (it is reported) they can practice their Pai Marire worship unmolested. Under these circumstances I have thought it advisable to caution the surveyors against carrying on surveys in that neighbourhood.

In every respect we are in a most unsatisfactory state.

The acts of the Pai Marire Natives on the East Coast, and the evident satisfaction evinced by the Pai Marire professors every where at the fearful Opotiki Tragedy; and the discomfiture of the Europeans on the East Coast, show the real state of mind of the bulk of the Native population. They firmly believe that the Pakeha will be driven into the sea.

Military Campaigns 1867-70

Although the millennium did not occur in January 1865, the teachings of the prophet Te Ua did provide something to hang on to, a cohesive force in the face of the social and political instability generated by war and European colonisation. Pai Marire ritual continued in the villages of the Kaimai Ranges and Hautere. For Europeans these rugged bush-clad hills remained “ hostile ” territory known as “ Hauhau country ” . During 1865 and 1866 negotiations over the Katikati-Te Puna purchase and the boundaries of the confiscated block dragged on (Stokes, 1978). The surveyor, Theophilus Heale, in a memorandum on affairs at Tauranga, 27 June 1865 (AJHR A20, 1867, pp. 13-15) pointed out the need to settle land claims in the district and proceed with the survey and military settlement. This was urgent because “ Pirirakau and other outlying hapus, have adopted the Pai Marire faith but without any offensive disposition ” . There was no open confrontation but threats to survey parties were taken seriously. Matters reached a head in November 1866 when a survey party went out with a large military escort to complete the survey of the boundary of the confiscated block along a line opposed by Pirirakau. James Mackay, Civil Commissioner Auckland, reported on 22 November (AJHR A20, 1867, pp. 28-29) on a meeting where one Ratima, a supporter of Wiremu Tamihana had

made a speech full of pai marireism, and fierce invectives against the Government. He said the day would yet come when the Maoris would regain possession of the country. The God had protected them so far… If they trusted in their God they would yet regain their former sovereignty of Canaan.

Mackay also reported that “ Pirirakau had a Paimarire flag flying at Waiwhatawhata… it was not a fighting flag, only a Paimarire one. ”

The situation was complicated by the arrival of the “ Twelve Apostles of Ngati Porou ” in the area of the Pirirakau villages of Waiwhatawhata, Whakamarama and Te Irihanga. These men were from the Ngati Porou settlements at Mataora and Kennedy ’ s Bay, in the Coromandel Peninsula. It was this “ Te kaumarua party of Hauhaus ” who took away surveyors ’ equipment in the Oropi area in late December 1866 (AJHR A20, 1867, pp. 37-40). Rumours abounded during January 1867 of an imminent attack by Hauhaus who lived in the inland villages, supported by the Ngati Porou party and Hakaraia ’ s Waitaha people from the Te Puke area who were said to be based at Taumata. Clarke reported on 28 January 1866 (AJHR A20, 1867, p. 44), “ It is estimated that the Natives have supplies enough in the ranges for a force of five hundred men for twelve months. ” During February some 280 Arawa troops under Gilbert Mair were called in. Over the next three months in a series of engagements beginning with the Pirirakau villages in the Whakamarama area and the moving to Kaimai, Te Kaki, Paengaroa, Taumata and Oropi (Figure 4), all these villages and their extensive cultivations were systematically destroyed (AJHR A20, 1867, pp. 44-51). Clarke reported on 10 February 1867 that a “ great number of Hauhau flags had been seen flying at Taumata ”. After the destruction of this village “ Hakaraia ’ s great flag, said to have been a gift from the King, was also discovered, together with a large number of Hauhau flags… concealed in the woods. ”

The military expeditions of January-February 1867 were described by Cowan (1923, Vol.2, pp. 148-154) as the Tauranga Bush Campaign.

The opening action of the campaign occurred, on the 18th January, 1867, at the village of Te Irihanga. On the previous day a force of the 1st Waikato Militia was moved out to the Omanawa Redoubt for the purpose of covering the arrest of Pene Taka and others of Ngai-te-Rangi, and Te Kewene and others of Ngati-Porou, on charges of interference with the surveyors by taking their instruments and threatening them with death. On the morning of the 18th the officer in charge of the force at Omanawa crossed over towards Te Irihanga with forty men. This movement, which was premature, quickly brought on a fight. A volley from the Hauhaus, as the small force began its ascent of Te Irihanga Hill, mortally wounded Sergeant-Major Emus of the Militia; he died four days later. On receiving this surprise volley the Militia quickly extended in skirmishing order, and hot firing lasted for about three-quarters of an hour. After an indecisive encounter the Militia force drew off and returned to the Omanawa post.

The next expedition (21st-22nd January) consisted of detachments of the 1st Waikato Regiment of Militia, under Colonel Harrington, and the 12th Regiment, commanded by Colonel Hamilton. The force crossed the Wairoa River at Poteriwhi in canoes and boats (just above the present bridge), and ascended the long fern-clad slopes of Minden Peak, where the 12th Regiment bivouacked for the night. Mr Gilbert Mair, who was soon afterwards given a commission as ensign and received promotion to lieutenant, was attached to the Imperials as interpreter, but obtained Colonel Hamilton ’ s permission to act in that capacity for Colonel Harrington ’ s force which was in the advance, and which did all the fighting.

Passing through Te Irihanga the Militia skirmished through the belt of bush which separated it from the next settlement, Whakamarama. On entering the large fields of maize and potatoes at Whakamarama the Militia came under a heavy fire from the edge of the forest all round. The tall maize afforded good cover, and no casualties occurred just then. Gilbert Mair was one of the few who were on horseback and led the attack on the village. Seeing a party of seven Hauhaus making for a slab hut, he galloped up, trying to turn them to the right, where they would have run against Captain A.C. Turner ’ s company of the Militia. The enemy reached the shelter first, and fired a volley at short range through the doorway and two open windows. Mair ’ s horse, a heavy one, fell dead, its spine smashed by a bullet, and other shots through its head and heart. In its fall it pinned Mair ’ s left leg and spurred boot so that he could not move. In the meantime the natives rushed out, reloading as they ran toward him, while he kept snapping his revolver, which had been wet through when he swam the Judea estuary at high water that morning. Fortunately one cartridge exploded, wounding the foremost man, which checked the rush, and Captain Turner, hurrying up, extracted Mair from his perilous position. A bullet had cut the peak of his cap, another grazed his sleeve, and another cut the pommel of his saddle. Several 1st Waikato men now ran up, and the party gave chase to the natives. The Hauhaus retired into the bush, and the pursuers got in among some fallen timber. Here Private Henry Jeffs was mortally wounded at close range, and was

brought out with great difficulty. While the advance-party was so engaged, the main body of the Militia reached the spot where Mair ’ s dead horse was lying, and Private Burslem, by way of a joke, stood up on the animal and began soliciting bids, when about a dozen shots rang out from the edge of the bush and a bullet deprived the self-constituted auctioneer of part of an ear.

At the request of the Government, Major William Mair, R.M. at Maketu, raised a force of two hundred armed Arawa, at a pay of 3s. a day, for the purpose of following up the Hauhaus to their forest villages and dispersing them and destroying their cultivations. Mair was instructed to begin at Te Puke; then the headquarters of Hakaraia ’ s band (Waitaha and Tapuika clans), to destroy food crops there, and then to push on to Oropi. After burning the village and making havoc in the food-gardens the Arawa pushed on along the edge of the bush. The instruments belonging to Mr Graham, the surveyor, were found at Te Puke. Oropi was found unoccupied and was destroyed. Here a large quantity of loot and some gunpowder was found, and Hakaraia ’ s great flag and other Hauhau banners were discovered in the bush.

On the 4th February a combined attack was made on the Hauhaus assembled at Te Akeake, a short distance inland of the redoubt called Pye ’ s Pa (after Captain Pye, V.C., of the Colonial Defence Force Cavalry) at Otupuraho. The column was made up of the 1st Waikato Militia under Colonel Harrington, Mair ’ s Arawa, and some other Arawa under Captain Walker. The Hauhaus were collected in some strength in a wooded gorge. After some sharp skirmishing from tree to tree they were driven back into the dense forest. Akeake and Taumata Villages were taken, with five prisoners, from whom it was ascertained that Hakaraia had been there with forty-five men. Gilbert Mair led the attack on the rifle-pits at Taumata, and the Defence Minister, Colonel Haultain, who accompanied the expedition, gave him a commission as ensign of Militia. The work of cutting down and otherwise destroying the food crops in the captured settlements occupied the Militia for three days. From here the Arawa went on inland to Paengaroa, where the Hauhaus retired into the forest after firing a few heavy volleys. The settlement here, too, was burned down.

In the middle of February a strong expedition was organized at Tauranga to attack Te Irihanga and Whakamarama again. On this occasion the force was composed almost entirely of Arawa natives commanded by Major William Mair and his brother Gilbert. Captain H.L. Skeet ’ s company of volunteer engineers, a fine body of young surveyors, all well accustomed to bushwork, formed part of the column, and several companies of the 1st Waikato Militia acted as supports. The expedition followed the route taken by the first attacking column, up the right (proper) bank of the Wairoa, fording that river at the lower falls. The first night out was spent in bivouac at Awangarara, near the ford. On reaching the Irihanga village, on the eastern fringe of the forest, on the 15th February, the place was found strongly held by the enemy. The Hauhaus did not fire until the troops got into the open ground near the top of the hill on which the village stood. The summit was about 150 yards from the bush. The fern on each side of the narrow road was 8 feet or 10 feet high. The Hauhaus had cleared a space of about

10 yards wide between the hill and the bush by treading the fern down, and the heads of the fern were pressed over in the direction of the line of march of the troops. This was done in order to enable the defenders of the hill to fire destructive volleys while the attackers were passing over the ground between the summit and the bush - a task of difficulty and slowness on account of the artful manner in which the fern had been pressed over. As the troops approached the hilltop the Hauhaus opened fire. Major Mair ’ s Arawa, who were leading, waited until the enemy had delivered a heavy volley, and then, before the Hauhaus could reload, charged and captured the settlement, and drove the Hauhaus into the bush. The force advanced and penetrated to Whakamarama, the headquarters settlement of the Piri-Rakau and their chief source of food-supplies.

Pirirakau and their allies retreated into the bush between the villages of Whakamarama and Te Irihanga. There was another skirmish involving “ tree to tree fighting ” between Pirirakau and their Arawa pursuers and several were wounded. Cowan commented:

It was typical bush warfare for a few minutes. Only the black heads of the combatants were to be seen now and again, and the muzzle of a gun showing for an instant, followed by a puff of smoke, then an instant dash for another tree. The Hauhaus presently broke and fell back on their main body at the Whakamarama village.

It was following this skirmish that Gilbert Mair followed one of the Pirirakau along the Poripori track and shot him in a cave. Cowan continued the narrative of this engagement in which there were several more casualties:

Ensign Mair soon overtook his brother William, who, with his Arawa, was hotly engaged with the enemy at Whakamarama. The contingent skirmished through the maize-fields, where the corn was higher than a man ’ s head, and forced the Hauhaus back to the western end of the clearing. Here, at their third position, Te Umu-o-Korongaehe, on the edge of the bush, the enemy made a further stand…

In this skirmishing, in which several hundred Hauhaus were engaged, most of the fighting was done by the Arawa; few of the Europeans got up in time. The crops were ordered to be destroyed, but the area was so large that the troops could only cut down or otherwise destroy a part of the maize and potatoes. The whares in the group of villages were destroyed, and the force marched back to Tauranga.

The final phase of the Tauranga Bush Campaign involved further expeditions to the villages of the Kaimai area as described by Cowan.

On the 19th February the Arawa moved on to Paengaroa and Kaimai; the latter village was found deserted. On the 2nd March Major Mair and his Maoris threw up breastworks at Paengaroa to cover the work of the survey-parties and to watch the Kaimai hostiles. On the 3rd March Gilbert Mair and four men, out foraging, followed up a trail near Te Kaki clearing, in very wild rough country, and suddenly were heavily fired on - “ a terrific close fire. ” A brave young Arawa, Mau-paraoa, fell severely wounded. Mair and the other three men kept up a smart fire until the rest of the small foraging-party

The Role of the Niu in Pai Marire

The niu or worshipping pole was the central focus of Pai Marire ritual. Clark (1975 , p.89) commented how the niu became the symbol of the movement, although flags and flagpoles were an integral part of Pakeha ceremonial both military and civil, and were well established in the King Movement “ as proclamations of political allegiance and statements of authority. Te Ua ’ s movement took over this general concept, giving it religious significance.

The peculiar significance of the niu in Pai Marire was derived from one of the early visitations by the Angel Gabriel to Te Ua. This was described by the Assistant Native Secretary, R. Parris, who had dealings with Te Ua, whom he called Horopapara, in the early stages of the development of Pai Marire in Taranaki (AJHR 1865, E4, pp.5-6).

Te Ua then went to his own place in Upper Taranaki, and on a certain day he was in his house and fell asleep, and was in a trance, when a great light descended from heaven and a voice called to him “ to rise and stand on his feet ” , when he saw a great multitude of every race upon earth. A voice then said to him, “ Horopapara go out of your house, take your son and kill him. ” Horopapara took his son and twisted the leg until the bone broke in several places. A voice then cried “ Horopapara spare your son. ”

The Angel Gabriel then said “ take your son and wash him in water ”. He took his son to a river called Wairau (in the Upper Taranaki District) and washed him and the leg was restored whole as the other. The Angel Gabriel then said to him “ go back to your house and erect a niu ” . Horopapara enquired of the Angel what a Niu was. The Angel replied “ a post ” . Horopapara enquired for what purpose. The Angel replied “ Work for you for the acquirement of the languages of all races upon earth. ” Horopapara enquired of the Angel who was to impart to him the gift of languages. The Angel replied “ The Spirit of God passing with the winds will teach you. ” Horopapara then asked the Angel “ What of the winds? ” The Angel replied “ As the winds of heaven proceed to all quarters of the globe, so from the Niu proceeded all the different forms of religion upon earth. ” The Angel Gabriel then sung the following Hymn

Te Waiatu Aroha a Kapariera mo tona iwi tukirikau, Motu Hawke

Atua Pai Marire, Atua Pai Marire, rire, rire,

Atua Tamaiti Pai Marire, Atua Wairua Tapu Pai Marire rire,

Kia whakakaroria kia koe e Ihowa i te takiwa o tenei ao

And the throne, and the throne, and the throne, rire rire

The last sentence is said to have been spoken as written.

This Gabriel ’ s song of love to his people standing naked - Motu Hawke

God Pai Marire, God Pai Marire, rire, rire

God the Son Pai Marire, God the Son, Pai Marire, rire, rire,

Glory be to Thee, 0 Jehovah, in this world,

And the throne, and the throne, and the throne, rire, rire.

This is all I know of the origin of Pai Marire which no doubt was set on foot by Horopapara Te Ua. The hymn of the Angel is now used in their daily religious service; and the sign of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon any of them is a cold shivering at the time they are performing the circle marching round the “ Niu ”. After the cold shivering has passed off they are inspired with the gift of languages. Some of which I have heard attempted. A perfectly unintelligible jargon both to themselves and to others. Sometimes may be heard a word of English intermixed.

This “ speaking in tongues ” or glossolalia has a parallel in pentecostal Christian services. In Pai Marire ritual it was combined with the power of traditional forms of incantation. Clark (1975, pp. 97-98) commented:

Speaking in tongues at the niu and the linguistic invention of the karakia both illustrated the inadequacy of the literacy that the missionaries had provided. Their books and prayers had failed to offer the salvation anticipated; literacy proved not to be the key to understanding and coming to terms with European culture. The lock, and indeed the door, was of Pakeha manufacture. Pai Marire language was a uniquely Maori means of access to the controller of events, Jehovah, without European intermediaries.

Flags and streamers were usually flown from the top of the niu. E.W. Puckey described a flaq flown at Okahukura, a village on the Waihou River in the Thames Valley (AJHR 1865, E4, p. 7): “ The most conspicuous object at that place was the Pai Marire flag, which consisted of a white flag with a small red cross; there being a long blue streamer hoisted above it. ” Flagstaffs figured prominently in the drawings in Ua Rongopai and the drawings of Aporo (Clark, 1975). Meade (1871, p. 126) claimed to be the first European to see Pai Marire ritual around the niu when he was captured in the Taupo area by a Pai Marire party on their way to the east coast from Taranaki in 1864.

The “ Prophet ’ s staff ” which had been set up in the middle of the open space, was a stout spar, some 30 feet [9m] high, from which floated first the “ Riki ” or war flag, a long red pendant with a white cross. Beneath it, a large handsome flag, very carefully made - black, with a white cross next the staff, and a blue fly, the whole surrounded by a narrow scarlet border, and beneath that again another red pendant, much larger than the upper one, with a St. Andrew ’ s cross and some other design which I forget. The priest stood near the staff which was further “ supported ” as they say in Heraldry by three little children who stood with their backs against it, while two men with drawn cutlasses walked up and down the inner sides of the square to prevent anyone approaching too close to the sacred staff, or the high priest, whilst he was under the influence of divine inspiration.

As soon as silence and order were established, Te Aokato [priest] commenced gabbling away at a tremendous rate, varying the performance with occasional yells; he then being supposed to be the favoured mouthpiece of the Deity, and to have the gift of divers tongues. Thus I was told at one time that he was speaking English, at another French, and then Hebrew - I need hardly say that it was all gibberish. At intervals he would stop to make obeisance to the staff and to the four points of the compass, with the usual

The name of the niu at Kuranui is Motai. The name of the hapu of Ngati Raukawa who occupied this area is Ngati Motai. The name of the man who was the last guardian of the niu is Motai Te Pakaru. Motai is an old ancestor of the Tainui people:

Hoturoa

Hotuope

Hotumatapu

Motai

Ue

Raka

Kakahi

Tawhao

Turongo : Mahinarangi

Raukawa

(Jones 1959, p.20)

(Simmons, 1975, pp.282-285)

Some traditions suggest that Motai was actually one of the men who came of the Tainui (Simmons, 1976, p.165) but such lists are usually interpreted as a genealogy. In any case, Motai was an important early Tainui ancestor from whose line Raukawa, the eponymous ancestor of Ngati Raukawa, can be traced. The name Motai was said to have been given to this niu by Wiremu Tamihana Tarapipipi and that he was deputising for King Tawhiao at the erection of the niu (Okoroire School Jubilee publication p.3).

Near the base of the niu is a figure in human form but with the head of a bird carved from the same timber as the niu. This is Rupe, who took the form of a pigeon and according to local oral tradition, he was Te Ua ’ s god. Rupe was also known as Maui-mua, and he is part of the extensive web of stories of ancestors woven around the figure of Maui and his brothers. It was Rupe who climbed the various levels of the heavens in search of Rehua, whom he needed to consult to help him in his search for his sister Hinauri who had gone away to live with her husband Tinirau. Rupe found Rehua and using his powers of enchantment, transformed himself into a pigeon and flew down from the heavens to Motutapu where he found the dwelling of Tinirau. He perched at the window while the local people tried to spear the bird and to snare him in a noose but failed. Hinauri saw them and stopped them. She stared hard at the bird and realised it was her brother Rupe. The same day she gave birth to her child. She had not been happy in Tinirau ’ s house and Rupe took her and the child and they flew back toward the heavens. They carried with them the placenta with the intention of burying it in the land of Rehua but on the way it fell into the sea and was eaten by a shark. Nevertheless, they flew on to Rehua and settled there, tidied the village

Maori Images of Politics and Religion

A Maori interpretation of the events of the 1860s described here can be found in the “Sketches” of Aporo, which are now in the Alexander Turnbull Library in Wellington. The only information about them is the accompanying note written by Gilbert Mair, who commanded the Arawa troops during the Tauranga Bush Campaign in 1867:

Maori Sketches illustrating Dreams by Aporo. Shot by me at Poripori Jany 23 1867 under a waterfall. I took the sketches, wet with his blood from his body.

G. Mair

Elsewhere Mair referred to this Aporo as Rota who belonged to Pirirakau of the Whakamarama area (Andersen and Petersen 1956, p.324). Cowan (1923, Vol.2, pp.152-153) provided a more detailed account of the incident which he obtained in interviews with Mair. Immediately after the skirmish near Whakamarama, Mair

noticed a trail of blood leading down to a deep gorge on the left, or east in the direction of Poripori. There was a faint track here through the forest to Poripori, which the Piri-Rakau had marked by breaking and doubling over the fronds of the fern called tu-taumata (Lomaria discolor), which are silvery white underneath. When doubled over, the white under surface of the fern showed conspicuously against the dark green of the ferns, moss and tree trunks around it. Mair observed that these white fronds were splashed with blood; and diverging from the route followed by the others, he scouted along down to the creek in the gorge. Hot on the trail, he followed the blood marks to a cave, over the mouth of which a little waterfall came down. A shot rang out from the cave, narrowly missing him. Mair rushed in and encountered a wounded Maori kneeling behind the rocks in the gloom, and shot the man dead just as he was levelling his long single-barrel gun for another shot. Taking the dead warrior’s gun and whakakai pendant of tangiwai greenstone as trophies, Mair hurried back to the scene of the fight. He found by inquiry afterwards that the man he had shot, a big tattooed warrior, was a Piri-Rakau named Rota, one of the leading men of the turbulent tribe.

Andersen and Petersen (1956, p.324) noted that Mair was in error in the date of the incident at Poripori as this engagement occurred on 15 February 1867 (see also Cowan 1923, Vol.2, p.151).

There seems to be no other information about the origin of the sketches, which appear to be an incomplete collection of drawings by more than one artist. Some are in pencil and/or water colour, some in black ink and/or blue pencil, on different sorts of paper, and there is different handwriting in the inscriptions on some of the drawings. Three carry the inscriptions “ Whika 11, ” “ Whika 16 ” and “ Whika 18 ” which indicate they may have been part of a series. Some refer specifically to the Tauranga district but others have no particular identification and could have come from elsewhere How this collection came to be assembled together and carried by Aporo (or Rota) in battle may never be known. Nevertheless these sketches (reproduced here at threequarters of the original size) provide a Maori view of the Pakeha government, politics and religion, and some of the symbolism of Pai Marire.

The sketches are presented in three groups (1) He Moemoea (Dreams), (2) Political cartoons and (3) Pai Marire images.

1.   He Moemoea

This group of four drawings (1A, 1B, 1C and 1D) are all in pencil and, coloured in reddish-brown tones. The originals are not clear and have not reproduced well, so a line drawing has been provided as a key. The full significance of these drawings can not be worked out as they appear to be part of an incomplete sequence. From the style of drawing and handwriting they are by the one artist. They are also specifically related to the Tauranga district. There was an established ship building industry in Tauranga and a good deal of coastal trading so the drawings of a ship (Kaipuke) would have a basis in local reality. In 1B, the ship on Tauranga Moana appears to be a rough sketch map of Tauranga Harbour and a suggested identification of land areas is provided in the key diagram. Poutihi in 1D is the Minden Peak, a prominent hill top in the Te Puna district of Tauranga, not far from Poripori where the sketches were found. This name has survived in Cpoutihi Survey District, which covers this area.

One prevalent theme is the use of red - the red cloud (He Kurae Kapua) in 1A and the red sails reflected in Tauranga Moana in IB. This red is probably symbolic of the Pakeha, of blood, of evil. The red cloud of 1A and the flock of birds may also be related to Pai Mari re images of the miraculous cloud which will descend from heaven to observe the faithful and help them disperse the Pakeha troops sent against them. Or perhaps it may be interpreted as the red cloud of the Pakeha, threatening to envelope the Maori people and their leader. It is tempting to view the dream of the canoe resting on Poutihi in 1D as another millenial image, but there is no conclusive evidence provided in the drawing. Below the hull of the canoe, what appears to be trees and tree ferns are lightly drawn in pencil. The hull of the canoe is painted brown, and spiral patterns on the prow and stern post are drawn in pencil to indicate a traditional style of canoe (waka). The dark smudges at the top appear to be red ink and not part of the original work.

The significance of 1C remains obscure as the identity of Te Tuhi is not clear. A prominent Kingite chief of the time was Patara Te Tuhi, who edited the newspaper Te Hokioi but he belonged to the lower Waikato. A Tauranga tradition has it that Te Tuhi was a chief of Okauia. In the investigation of the Okauia Block by the Land Court in 1879 no one of this name is mentioned either in evidence of tribal history or the list of names of people in this and adjacent blocks. However, there was an area in the block called Te Tuhi. In the evidence, (Waikato MB 4/23) it was said that Ngati Hinerangi went to live at Matamata with Ngati Haua and they “ got food from Okauia, they cultivated at Te Tuhi ” . Following the judgement on Okauia which was awarded to Ngati Hinerangi, Ngati Haua occupied part of the block, and built a pa called Te Tuhi (Bay of Plenty Times 8 July 1879). Following the 1864 battles, a track from Te Puna to Okauia was cut and called Te Tuhi Track and used by Pirirakau and Ngati Haua and others in preference to the old Wairere Track further west. Following the Tauranga Bush Campaign many Pirirakau and some other Tauranga people retreated to Okauia, but returned later to their settlements at Whakamarama and Te Puna.

2. Political Cartoons

The drawings in this group (2A, 2B, 2C, 2D, 2E) offer a Maori commentary on people and events of the 1860s. The three drawings, 2A, 2B and 2C, are by a different artist from the foregoing dream sequence. All are drawn in black ink and pencil. The figure of Governor Grey is shown as a devil and the accompanying commentary indicates clearly the Maori view that the real intention of the Governor was the destruction of the Maori King and Maori people. This attitude to Grey can be found in a letter by Wiremu Tamihana (AJHR F3, 1860) when he indicated that he saw little point in appearing before the Governor ’ s Runanga. “ The Governor ’ s thoughts are as sheep ’ s wool, but inwardly, a ravening wolf at heart. ” (he huru hipi nga whakaaro o te Kawana, ko roto he wuruhi kai kino te ngakau). Similar sentiments concerning the Governor ’ s two-faced statements were expressed by Tamihana following the outbreak of hostilities in Taranaki. He commented on “ those who are double-hearted; whose lips are given to this side and their heart to the other side ” (AJHR Ell, 1865, p.5).

The language of the commentaries has not been analysed but it is of interest to note that in 2B the word kapura has been used to indicate a fire. This is a Ngapuhi word, whereas the local word would be ahi. The Ngapuhi dialect was used for the Maori Bible and this may only indicate that the artist had a missionary education, perhaps at the CMS school in Tauranga. The context of the cartoons is clearly Waikato and the Kingitanga.

The missionaries, and Bishop Selwyn in particular, were also targets for the Maori cartoonist. The drawing 2C shows the Bishop ( “ Pihopa ” ) in a somewhat ambivalent situation. The collection of sketches also included a portrait which appears to be a likeness of Bishop Selwyn (2D, reproduced at half the original size). This pencil and water colour drawing in red-brown and grey tones, is executed in a style which differs from the three earlier cartoons. Written in pencil across the centre panel of the bishop ’ s vestments is the word “ Mangu ” , black. Bishop Selwyn and other CMS missionaries had been closely involved with events leading up to the invasion of Waikato. Selwyn had gone to Tamihana ’ s meeting at Peria in 1862 which was attended by King Matutaera and chiefs of Waikato, Maniapoto, Tauranga and Rotorua. The theme for discussion was the current situation and the prospects for the King Movement. Selwyn set out his position in a speech to the assembled gathering (AJHR E12, 1862, pp.5-6):

Here am I the mediator of New Zealand. This is my work, mediation, I am not a Pakeha, neither am I a Maori; I am a half-caste. I have eaten your food and I have slept in your houses: we have eaten together, talked together, travelled together, prayed together, and partaken of the Lord ’ s Supper together; and therefore I tell you that I am a half-caste. My being a half-caste cannot be altered (or uprooted). It is in my body, in my flesh, in my sinews, in my bones, and in my marrow. We are all half-castes; your clothes are half-caste - one portion of your garments is Pakeha, the other Maori. Your strength is half-caste; in your hearts you have the Maori courage, and in your hands the Pakeha weapons. Your soldiers are half-caste; the men are Maori, but their clothes are Pakeha and the word of command is given in the Pakeha language. Your “ mana ” (power or authority), is half-caste; the “ mana ” is Maori “ mana ” but the name [of the King] is Pakeha.

Your religion is half-caste; the Pakeha is the father and your hearts the mother, and the son that is born is religion. Hence I say to you, we are all half-castes, and therefore let us live together in one religion (or faith), one love and one law; let us be united. I have not yet forgotten the words of our parent, “Religion, Love and Law.” He never told us to have many religions, many loves, and many laws; but to have one.

In his sermon at Peria (AJHR E12, 1862, pp.8-9), Bishop Selwyn had also pushed the theme of unity, taking as his text Psalm 133, first verse: “ Behold how good and how pleasant it is for Brethren to dwell together in unity. ” He likened this to the peaceful gathering of people of different tribes at Peria; “ There is one thing wanting, and that is that the Pakeha should sit together with you. ” He explained Pakeha presence in the land: “ The coming of the Pakeha to this land was not an authorised act; they were led here by God, the Pakeha Ministers ” and he quoted Mark 16:15 “ Go ye into all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature. ”

By the mid 1860s, following the invasion of Waikato, battles at Gate Pa and Te Ranga, and confiscation of land in Waikato and Tauranga, Maori suspicions that the missionaries were not the neutral mediators they professed to be seemed to be confirmed. Many had acted as agents in supplying information on Maori movements and resources to the government and military. Bishop Selwyn had acted as chaplain to the military during the Waikato campaign. Although he also ministered to his Maori flock, this military connection put him in an ambivalent situation. From the Maori point of view, he appeared much too propitiatory toward the two-faced Pakeha, Governor Grey. Perhaps it is appropriate then to include as the last of this section the drawing (2E) in dark blue pencil on light blue paper of a man who is unhappy. He pakira can mean bald-headed, symbolic of a man devoid of ideas, at a loss, bewildered. There is no indication who this represents but perhaps he symbolises all the unhappy, bewildered people in the 1860s who did not know which way to turn.

Postscript

The niu at Kuranui stands as a monument to Pai Marire in the eastern Waikato and Tauranga. It is also a monument to the efforts by military and civil authorities in the 1860s to stamp out a religious and political movement which here, more than anywhere else, was essentially pacifist. It is clear that the pacifist intentions of Pai Marire were not perceived by Europeans, although the evidence was there. In August 1865, the Resident Magistrate at Whatawhata, R.C. Mainwaring, was told by the Native Minister to go to Tamihana to follow up his submission to the government, to persuade him to join the government side, “ heart and soul ” . This memorandum (AJHR E14, 1865) stated:

The line the Government will take is this. They will not interfere with the Hauhaus so long as they confine their operations to the harmless expression of opinion, or the practice of ceremonies within the law; but they are resolved, so soon as in any case that opinion shall appear in the form of open crime, or even a conspiracy to commit crime, to arrest the criminals at once, at any cost and at any risk.

Tamihana, grieving and disillusioned by the bitterness of the war waged against his people and the confiscation of their land, replied to Mainwaring ’ s advances (AJHR El4, 1865):

Let not the Government think that I am now a man of influence, I have no men, all are dead. The people are angry with me for making peace. I am made the subject of songs amongst the men, women and children… The anger of those who have lost relatives is intense.

Mainwaring continued his report of his meeting with Tamihana in September 1865:

He openly told me that neither he nor any other Native approved of the confiscation, and that the subject was never conversed upon amongst themselves… “ We have stood on Maungakawa, we looked down on Horotiu and shed tears, and now the pain is constantly gnawing at our hearts. ”

On Pai Marire, Mainwaring reported Tamihana ’ s attitude:

He told me there was nothing at all in the Pai Marire karakia or service to instigate or encourage men to commit murder or any other crime. That on the contrary the very name of the sect meant nothing more than living quietly and peaceably together. That the outrages recently committed did not originate in the Pai Mari re religion…

Pai Marire was certainly an integrating force in the social disruption and dislocation following the war. There is no doubt that the message of peace and goodwill and its millennial qualities appealed to Tamihana and other Maori leaders of the Waikato and Tauranga. At a meeting at Okahukura, a Ngati Tamatera settlement on the lower Waihou River, attended by Tamihana and other Ngati Haua, E.W. Puckey reported (AJHR E4 1865, p.7) a chief stood up and said:

There are many denominations of believers. There are Roman Catholics, Churchmen, Wesleyans, and why should there not be Pai Marire, let me be as I am. I did not say that another was to join me. I saw that it was good, and that God was above sheltering me, and I did not wish to stand aside from under him, so I took hold of him. As it is, son, your word is Pai Marire.

This is comparable with Tawhiao ’ s image of religious groups as three baskets of teachings, Roman Catholic, Anglican, Wesleyan, and now with Pai Marire in another basket, he was so much the richer. Few Maoris perceived the strict boundaries of church organisation which Europeans, particularly the missionaries themselves, considered so important. Pai Marire was a unique Maori interpretation of Christianity born out of the cultural stresses and conflicts of the 1860s.

No European observer of the period seems to have fully appreciated the true role of Pai Marire in Maori terms. Most considered that the ruthless military campaigns against the Hauhaus were both justified and successful. W.G. Mair, reporting in 1872 (AJHR F3, 1872) commented:

It cannot be doubted that Hauhauism is fast dying out. The form of worship in use among the Kingites, when weeded of the strings of meaningless words retained from the karakia of Te Ua, does not present anything objectionable. It consists in great part of supplication of the Deity to guard and preserve Tawhiao.

In 1873 H.T. Clarke reported from Tauranga (AJHR G1 1873), “ We are in a state of profound peace in this district ” and he did not expect to be disturbed because of the “ conciliatory policy ” now being exercised by government.

Our relation with our Hauhau neighbours is improving daily; not only do they visit our settlements for purposes of trade, but they consult our officers in cases of perplexity… With the Hauhaus the one great source of trouble is the land. Many of them have claims on the Waikato side of the ranges which are being dealt with by the Ngati Haua for their own benefit and I am becoming more and more convinced that the Government ought to retain in their own hands large restrictive powers to check the eager advances made by European speculators and runholders… In the event of a conflict with the Waikato, should any such calamity arise, our altered relations with the Ngati Raukawa will greatly tend to the security of the Bay of Plenty districts in general and Tauranga in particular, inasmuch as the frontier of the settled district may now be considered to be removed from the forest line within fourteen miles [22.5km] of this town to the Waikato, and I beg to suggest to the Government the advisability of cultivating by every possible means our good relations with that once formidable tribe.

For some years the Hautere area remained remote to Europeans and regarded as hostile. There is little information recorded about Kuranui and other villages in the area. No enumerator visited these villages for they are not listed in any of the Maori Censuses in the nineteenth century, although they are clearly marked as kainga or villages on several plans in the early 1870s.

During the 1870s, Pakeha land speculators were taking an interest in the northern Raukawa lands called Te Kaokaoroa o Patetere. On 10 May 1880 an investigation of the title of the Whaiti Kuranui Block began in the Native Land Court at Cambridge before F.D. Fenton, Chief Judge, and John Jermyn Symonds, Judge, and continued under these and other judges from time to time until the end of May 1883. A large portion of the Whaiti Kuranui Block passed into the hands of Joseph Howard and Edwin Barnes Walker who, with their land purchase agents, played a major role in the subdivision of the Patetere area. These two were directors of the New Zealand Thames Valley Land Company which acquired very large land holdings in the area.

Other large holdings were acquired by the Auckland Agricultural Company and there was also the large Matamata Estate acquired by J.C. Firth.

The activities of the land purchase agents were highly disruptive to local communities as they required long periods away in attendance at Land Court hearings in Cambridge, Tauranga or Rotorua. During this period there was a drift back to the Patetere area by some Ngata Raukawa from the Manawatu but most settled in the Putaruru area. It seems likely that the disintegration of Kuranui, Hanga and other settlements began in the 1870s. On the other side of the range to the north, the settlements along the bush margin were gradually abandoned from the 1880s on as the inhabitants moved to coastal villages closer to the European settlement at Tauranga to work for wages, or found jobs outside the district, rather than maintain a subsistence on the edge of the bush.

The niu at Kuranui stands not only as a monument to Pai Marire, but also a monument to the peace and goodwill of Wiremu Tamihana Tarapipipi Te Waharoa, a man of peace, forced into war. In his last petition to Government before his death in December 1866 he wrote of the invasion of Waikato by Imperial Troops (AJHR G2, 1866):

At the time of the fight at Rangiaohia I discovered that this would be a very great war, because it was conducted in such a pitiless manner… the steamer sailed up the Horotiu [Waikato] River. I then said to the people who were living beside the river at their usual place of abode “ come let us off to Maungatautari - leave this place to be without occupants, lest evil spring up here ” . So they hearkened to what I said, and we all gathered at Maungatautari. The steamer also came there. Then I said to my people again “ Let us leave this place to be alone. ” They again assented to me and what I said, but we did fight then with the soldiers for the space of about ten minutes; then we left and went to the mountains, to Patetere, and left the river of Waikato. Because of my great desire for peace, therefore did I remove my people from thence lest further grief should be occasioned by the death of relatives in which case it would not have been possible to suppress the evil.

Now, O Friend, this is how I have been saved from evil - because of my constant striving to do that which is good, ever since the introduction of Christianity on to the time of the King Movement, and up to the present days of darkness. After we had embraced Christianity, when my tribe sought payment for our dead who had fallen I did not give up my consent. Then I said “ Stop, strive to repay in a Christian manner. Let peaceful living be the payment for my dead. ” They consented. I then drew all my enemies

to me; they all came, not one continued a stranger to me, but all became related to me in the bonds of Christian fellowship. Then I said - what a good payment this is for those that are dead. This living peacefully!

In the King Movement, was brought to an end the land brawls which had previously existed between father and son, between brother and brother. I then again said - what a good recompense this is for such cowardly conduct, this peace existing amongst relations during the King Movement. And men dwelt in a tranquil state.

This last is perhaps a fulfilment of the words of the Ua Rongopai written in 1863 (Clark 1975, p.124):

Cease the battle between brothers over the land; the battle between you and your father, since it belongs to you both. The Pakeha is wrong and that is a fact. This is a message to the King Movement, for it has grown in stature and prestige. They have seen the light, and how did they succeed? They strove and sought for the support of the will of the God of Peace.

Ko Kawana Kerei i haere mai ki konei ki te maminga i nga tangata Maori. A riro ana ia ia te Peke.

Governor Grey has come here to deceive Maori people. He is carrying them off in his bag.

Ko Kawana Kerei ara ko Pukuriri

E hia hia ana kia rapua te tahi take kino mo Niu

Tireni kia ahei ai ia te whaka ngaro i nga Maori

Governor Grey, old Grouchy!

He wants to find a reason in New Zealand serious

enough to enable him to destroy the Maori

Ko Kawana

E korero whaka tu-ana ki tona iwi ki te toa o te Maori

The Governor is talking and explaining to his people just how brave are the Maori

Ka tenei tangata he pakira.

This man is at a loss, bewildered.